Right-wing president. Outright. Duda used to be in PiS before the law forced him to leave due to his presidency. Before that, here’s a little history when he was in the party:

• In the years 2006–2007 Undersecretary of State in the Ministry of Justice
• in the years 2008–2010 Undersecretary of State in the Chancellery of the President of the Republic of Poland Lech Kaczyński
• in the years 2007–2011 member of the State Tribunal
• member of Sejm of the Third Republic of Poland in its 7th term (2011–2014)
• member of the European Parliament in its 8th term (2014–2015)

Karol Nawrocki licytuje się na radykalizm ze Sławomirem Mentzenem w retoryce antyukraińskiej i antyszczepionkowej. Konfederacja swoich poglądów nie zmienia, PiS dostosowuje je do społecznych nastrojów. Komu uwierzą wyborcy?

Jest coraz bliżej ziszczenia się czarnego snu Jarosław Kaczyńskiego. Kandydat na prezydenta popierany przez PiS może nie wejść do II tury wyborów. Karol Nawrocki traci poparcie w sondażach prezydenckich i traci zaufanie społeczne.

Kandydat na prezydenta popierany przez PiS traci poparcie i zaufanie społeczne

Kandydat popierany przez PiS spadł z podium rankingu zaufania społecznego, na którym pojawił się w styczniu. Zjechał z trzeciego miejsca na piąte i w badaniu IBRiS dla Onetu cieszy się zaufaniem 33,2 proc. osób (5,3 pkt proc. w dół). Prowadzi Rafał Trzaskowski (43,5 proc.), na drugim miejscu jest Andrzej Duda (37,8 proc.), a zamiast Nawrockiego na podium zestawienia wrócił Mateusz Morawiecki, któremu ufa 36,7 proc. badanych. W tym badaniu zaskakuje coś jeszcze.

Wybory prezydenckie: Sławomir Mentzen pnie się w sondażach i zdobywa społeczne zaufanie

Sławomir Mentzen, który cieszy się 28,3-proc. zaufaniem, notuje swój najlepszy wynik w historii sondaży zaufania IBRiS. Zyskał łącznie 6,1 pkt proc. Kandydat Konfederacji zyskuje też w innych sondażach. W najnowszym badaniu Research Partner Mentzen ma wynik lepszy o 3,7 pkt proc. w porównaniu z poprzednim badaniem pracowni, notując poparcie na poziomie 16,8 proc. badanych. Na Nawrockiego głosować chce 24,7 proc. wyborców. Na ponad 80 dni przed wyborami dystans między Nawrockim a Mentzenem topnieje. PiS reaguje nerwowo.

– Mam sygnały, że obywatele, którzy przybyli tutaj z Ukrainy, sprawiają problemy w kolejkach do szpitali i do przychodni. Jestem zdania, że Ukraińcom nie powinno się żyć w Polsce lepiej niż Polakom. Jestem Polakiem, mam obowiązki polskie – mówił podczas konferencji w Bełchatowie Karol Nawrocki. Od początku agresji Rosji na Ukrainę to Konfederacja posługiwała się opowieścią o lepszym traktowaniu Ukraińców niż Polaków. Teraz PiS w reakcji na spadek sympatii Polaków do Ukraińców uderza w sąsiadów potrzebujących pomocy. Waldemar Buda publikuje fałszywe zdjęcia luksusowych samochodów Ukraińców w Polsce, a Nawrocki dystansuje się od przyjęcia Ukrainy do UE i NATO.

Wcześniej stanowisko PiS było radykalnie inne. Za rządów Mateusza Morawieckiego Ukraińcom przyznano w Polsce specjalny status, a PiS był za ich akcesją do międzynarodowych sojuszy oraz wysyłaniem wojsk NATO do Ukrainy. Punkt widzenia PiS zależy od punktu siedzenia. A konkretnie od sondaży.

Karol Nawrocki przeciwko szczepionkom, choć zachęcał do nich PiS

Podobnie w przypadku szczepień. Niespodziewanie wystąpił przeciw nim Nawrocki, choć w czasie pandemii to rząd PiS walczył z ruchami antyszczepionkowymi i zachęcał do przyjmowania wakcyn przeciw Covid-19. PiS dostosowuje się do nastrojów społecznych, Konfederacja stoi przy swoim stanowisku bez względu na sondaże.

Komu mają wierzyć Polacy? Jeśli w wyborach prezydenckich startuje kandydat, który konsekwentnie głosił swoje tezy, i drugi, który dostosowuje je do bieżącej sytuacji, to komu uwierzy elektorat? Mając do wyboru oryginał i podróbkę, wybór będzie oczywisty.

To quote Saleh from the crosspost:

Fascist leaders need a constant threat to justify their leadership. If Israel cannot continue to escalate and create the image of being at threat, it also will cast doubt on the support they received and receive and it will make people speak up more about their crimes.

To appear as the perpetual victim, you need perpetual violence, so you need to perpetually attack other people.

Also Israel has the vision of a “Greater Israel” empire spanning from Egypt to Saudia Arabia to Turkiye and Iraq. Not only will this require the ethnic cleansing and genocide of hundreds od millions of people in the region, but also it will need to be filled with more non-Jewish white settlers, for instance US Evangelicals, as Israel doesn’t have nearly enough population to maintain such an empire.

The ancestors of today’s Poles would definitely attest to that.

You have:

1. Wars during the Middle Ages, including the first partition attempt with Germany way back in the X century
2. Frequent meddling in Poland-Lithuania during the state’s final century
3. Partitions of Poland-Lithuania
4. Harshest suppresions of Poles of any of the 3 partitioners for 123 years (minus Napoleonic France’s puppet state), mainly through Russification
5. Pitting Poles against each other during WW1
6. Yet more fighting shortly after said war because of Soviets wanting to annex Belarus and Ukraine and establish a puppet communist state in Poland
7. Another parition, mass murder of Polish inteligentsia (see: Katyń massacre), NKVD’s individual murders of citizens and mass expulsions of Poles from Polish lands to distant parts of Russia/USSR (i.e. Siberia) during WW2
8. Puppeteering Poland during Stalin’s reign and only allowing for a slightly less dependent government after his death
9. Use of Russian gas as political leverage
10. Continued disinformation campaigns, military exercises near the Polish border and FSB operations against Poland to this day

And in its place Musk has his own now. :\

Poland’s border guard has joined police in raids around the country targeting illegal immigration. As a result of the action, almost 400 proceedings have been launched to deport foreigners without the right to be in Poland.

The crackdown came days after a declaration last week by Poland’s interior minister and the mayor of Warsaw of a “zero tolerance” approach to crimes committed by immigrants, following media reports of a growing wave of “imported crime”.

The raids – which took place on 13-14 February but which were only announced this week – were part of a broader, nationwide police action targeting people wanted on arrest warrants. Over 26,000 police officers carried out checks at over 32,000 locations.

As a result, 1,474 people were detained, including 204 foreigners, announced the national police headquarters on Wednesday this week. That in turn led to the police in 166 cases applying to the border guard to expel foreigners from Poland.

In a separate statement, the border guard revealed that 1,000 of its officers had participated in the raids, with the “aim of combating illegal migration”. They carried out over 2,400 checks on the legality of the presence of foreigners in Poland, leading to the launching of proceedings against almost 400 of them.

Among those whose documents were checked, the largest number, over 1,000, were Ukrainians, who are by far Poland’s largest immigrant group. The next largest numbers were Georgians (264), another large immigrant group, and Colombians (204), whose numbers have been growing rapidly in recent years.

Among those against whom deportation proceedings were launched, Ukrainians account for 180 cases and Georgians and Colombians almost 60 each, said the border guard.

Most deportation cases were brought due to the finding that the foreigners were not staying legally in Poland, but in three instances they were initiated due to a threat to state security or public safety.

“This action is the beginning of regular activity by the [uniformed] services, the primary goal of which is to ensure the security in our country,” wrote the police. “It is also a signal to those who want to come to Poland to conduct criminal activities: they will be under the watchful eye of the Polish services.”

The outcome of the raids was also hailed by interior minister Tomasz Siemoniak, who wrote on social media that they show “we will not allow foreign gangs to enter Poland”.

Earlier this month, Siemoniak noted that 5% of all people suspected of carrying out crimes in Poland last year were foreigners. However, the data he presented also indicated that immigrants make up 8% of Poland’s population.

In recent years, Poland has experienced a wave of immigration that is unprecedented in its history and among the highest of any country in Europe. It has issued more first residence permits to immigrants from outside the EU than has any other member state. Meanwhile, asylum applications rose to a new high in 2024.

Earlier this month, Rzeczpospolita, a leading newspaper, reported that Georgian immigrants, in particular, have been responsible for a return to the kind of violent organised crime that was common in the 1990s during the post-communist transition.

Last year, Poland’s government approved a tough new migration strategy aimed at “taking back control” of the country’s borders. It includes a proposal to suspend the right of those who have entered the country irregularly to claim asylum.

Poland’s border guard has joined police in raids around the country targeting illegal immigration. As a result of the action, almost 400 proceedings have been launched to deport foreigners without the right to be in Poland.

The crackdown came days after a declaration last week by Poland’s interior minister and the mayor of Warsaw of a “zero tolerance” approach to crimes committed by immigrants, following media reports of a growing wave of “imported crime”.

The raids – which took place on 13-14 February but which were only announced this week – were part of a broader, nationwide police action targeting people wanted on arrest warrants. Over 26,000 police officers carried out checks at over 32,000 locations.

As a result, 1,474 people were detained, including 204 foreigners, announced the national police headquarters on Wednesday this week. That in turn led to the police in 166 cases applying to the border guard to expel foreigners from Poland.

In a separate statement, the border guard revealed that 1,000 of its officers had participated in the raids, with the “aim of combating illegal migration”. They carried out over 2,400 checks on the legality of the presence of foreigners in Poland, leading to the launching of proceedings against almost 400 of them.

Among those whose documents were checked, the largest number, over 1,000, were Ukrainians, who are by far Poland’s largest immigrant group. The next largest numbers were Georgians (264), another large immigrant group, and Colombians (204), whose numbers have been growing rapidly in recent years.

Among those against whom deportation proceedings were launched, Ukrainians account for 180 cases and Georgians and Colombians almost 60 each, said the border guard.

Most deportation cases were brought due to the finding that the foreigners were not staying legally in Poland, but in three instances they were initiated due to a threat to state security or public safety.

“This action is the beginning of regular activity by the [uniformed] services, the primary goal of which is to ensure the security in our country,” wrote the police. “It is also a signal to those who want to come to Poland to conduct criminal activities: they will be under the watchful eye of the Polish services.”

The outcome of the raids was also hailed by interior minister Tomasz Siemoniak, who wrote on social media that they show “we will not allow foreign gangs to enter Poland”.

Earlier this month, Siemoniak noted that 5% of all people suspected of carrying out crimes in Poland last year were foreigners. However, the data he presented also indicated that immigrants make up 8% of Poland’s population.

In recent years, Poland has experienced a wave of immigration that is unprecedented in its history and among the highest of any country in Europe. It has issued more first residence permits to immigrants from outside the EU than has any other member state. Meanwhile, asylum applications rose to a new high in 2024.

Earlier this month, Rzeczpospolita, a leading newspaper, reported that Georgian immigrants, in particular, have been responsible for a return to the kind of violent organised crime that was common in the 1990s during the post-communist transition.

Last year, Poland’s government approved a tough new migration strategy aimed at “taking back control” of the country’s borders. It includes a proposal to suspend the right of those who have entered the country irregularly to claim asylum.

Poland’s border guard has joined police in raids around the country targeting illegal immigration. As a result of the action, almost 400 proceedings have been launched to deport foreigners without the right to be in Poland.

The crackdown came days after a declaration last week by Poland’s interior minister and the mayor of Warsaw of a “zero tolerance” approach to crimes committed by immigrants, following media reports of a growing wave of “imported crime”.

The raids – which took place on 13-14 February but which were only announced this week – were part of a broader, nationwide police action targeting people wanted on arrest warrants. Over 26,000 police officers carried out checks at over 32,000 locations.

As a result, 1,474 people were detained, including 204 foreigners, announced the national police headquarters on Wednesday this week. That in turn led to the police in 166 cases applying to the border guard to expel foreigners from Poland.

In a separate statement, the border guard revealed that 1,000 of its officers had participated in the raids, with the “aim of combating illegal migration”. They carried out over 2,400 checks on the legality of the presence of foreigners in Poland, leading to the launching of proceedings against almost 400 of them.

Among those whose documents were checked, the largest number, over 1,000, were Ukrainians, who are by far Poland’s largest immigrant group. The next largest numbers were Georgians (264), another large immigrant group, and Colombians (204), whose numbers have been growing rapidly in recent years.

Among those against whom deportation proceedings were launched, Ukrainians account for 180 cases and Georgians and Colombians almost 60 each, said the border guard.

Most deportation cases were brought due to the finding that the foreigners were not staying legally in Poland, but in three instances they were initiated due to a threat to state security or public safety.

“This action is the beginning of regular activity by the [uniformed] services, the primary goal of which is to ensure the security in our country,” wrote the police. “It is also a signal to those who want to come to Poland to conduct criminal activities: they will be under the watchful eye of the Polish services.”

The outcome of the raids was also hailed by interior minister Tomasz Siemoniak, who wrote on social media that they show “we will not allow foreign gangs to enter Poland”.

Earlier this month, Siemoniak noted that 5% of all people suspected of carrying out crimes in Poland last year were foreigners. However, the data he presented also indicated that immigrants make up 8% of Poland’s population.

In recent years, Poland has experienced a wave of immigration that is unprecedented in its history and among the highest of any country in Europe. It has issued more first residence permits to immigrants from outside the EU than has any other member state. Meanwhile, asylum applications rose to a new high in 2024.

Earlier this month, Rzeczpospolita, a leading newspaper, reported that Georgian immigrants, in particular, have been responsible for a return to the kind of violent organised crime that was common in the 1990s during the post-communist transition.

Last year, Poland’s government approved a tough new migration strategy aimed at “taking back control” of the country’s borders. It includes a proposal to suspend the right of those who have entered the country irregularly to claim asylum.

Poland’s parliament has approved a bill allowing the government to suspend the right to claim asylum for people who cross the border irregularly as part of the “instrumentalisation of migration” by a foreign state.

The measure has been criticised as a violation of European and international law by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. But it received overwhelming support from Polish MPs in both the ruling coalition and the opposition.

The 386 votes in favour in the 460-seat Sejm, the more powerful lower house of parliament, included all or the vast majority of MPs from the centrist Civic Coalition (KO), centre-right Polish People’s Party (PSL) and centrist Poland 2050 (Polska 2050), which are part of the ruling coalition.

They were joined by all or most MPs from the two main right-wing opposition parties: the national-conservative Law and Justice (PiS) and the far-right Confederation (Konfederacja).

Only 38 MPs voted against it, mainly from The Left (Lewica), which is part of the ruling coalition, and Together (Razem), a small left-wing party.

The bill now passes to the upper-house Senate, which can delay but not block legislation, then on to President Duda, a PiS ally, who can sign it into law, veto it, or pass it to the constitutional court.

Poland received a record number of asylum claims last year amid a renewed crisis at the Belarus border, where since 2021 tens of thousands of migrants and asylum seekers – mainly from the Middle East, Asia and Africa – have been trying to cross with the help and encouragement of the Belarusian authorities.

In response, Prime Minister Donald Tusk proposed in September a tough new migration strategy, including allowing the temporary and partial suspension of the right to claim asylum. Those measures were subsequently approved by his government in December.

The bill approved by the Sejm this evening would enact parts of Tusk’s strategy by amending the asylum law to introduce a new term into Poland’s legal lexicon: “instrumentalisation of migration.”

That is a phrase regularly used by Polish and other European authorities to describe the deliberate manner in which Belarus and Russia have used migrants and asylum seekers in an attempt to destabilise EU countries.

Under the Polish bill, the interior ministry would be empowered to temporarily restrict the right to claim international protection if instrumentalisation of migration is taking place, if it “constitutes a serious and real threat to security”, and if the restriction of asylum rights is necessary to counter the threat.

The legislation also specifies that the government’s actions must “aim to limit the rights of foreigners intending to apply for international protection to the least possible extent”, reports news and analysis website OKO.press.

Moreover, certain categories of people must be allowed to claim asylum even if the measures are in place, including minors, pregnant women, people who require special healthcare, people deemed at “real risk of harm” if returned over the border, and citizens of the country that is carrying out the instrumentalisation.

An amendment accepted today by parliament before the bill was passed allows an entire group that includes minors – such as a family – to submit an asylum claim. Previously, only the minors would have been allowed to.

The interior ministry’s regulation implementing the suspension of asylum rights must define the area in which it will apply and how long it will apply for (up to 60 days, after which it can only be renewed with the approval of the Sejm).

Tusk has argued that the measures are necessary because existing asylum rules were not designed to accommodate the deliberate instrumentalisation of migration by hostile states.

However, human rights groups have declared the measures to violate not only international law but Poland’s own constitution. They also say it will cause real harm to vulnerable asylum seekers, who will face being pushed back over the border into Belarus.

Well over 100 people are believed to have died around the borders between Belarus and EU member states since the beginning of the crisis in 2021.

Poland’s parliament has approved a bill allowing the government to suspend the right to claim asylum for people who cross the border irregularly as part of the “instrumentalisation of migration” by a foreign state.

The measure has been criticised as a violation of European and international law by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. But it received overwhelming support from Polish MPs in both the ruling coalition and the opposition.

The 386 votes in favour in the 460-seat Sejm, the more powerful lower house of parliament, included all or the vast majority of MPs from the centrist Civic Coalition (KO), centre-right Polish People’s Party (PSL) and centrist Poland 2050 (Polska 2050), which are part of the ruling coalition.

They were joined by all or most MPs from the two main right-wing opposition parties: the national-conservative Law and Justice (PiS) and the far-right Confederation (Konfederacja).

Only 38 MPs voted against it, mainly from The Left (Lewica), which is part of the ruling coalition, and Together (Razem), a small left-wing party.

The bill now passes to the upper-house Senate, which can delay but not block legislation, then on to President Duda, a PiS ally, who can sign it into law, veto it, or pass it to the constitutional court.

Poland received a record number of asylum claims last year amid a renewed crisis at the Belarus border, where since 2021 tens of thousands of migrants and asylum seekers – mainly from the Middle East, Asia and Africa – have been trying to cross with the help and encouragement of the Belarusian authorities.

In response, Prime Minister Donald Tusk proposed in September a tough new migration strategy, including allowing the temporary and partial suspension of the right to claim asylum. Those measures were subsequently approved by his government in December.

The bill approved by the Sejm this evening would enact parts of Tusk’s strategy by amending the asylum law to introduce a new term into Poland’s legal lexicon: “instrumentalisation of migration.”

That is a phrase regularly used by Polish and other European authorities to describe the deliberate manner in which Belarus and Russia have used migrants and asylum seekers in an attempt to destabilise EU countries.

Under the Polish bill, the interior ministry would be empowered to temporarily restrict the right to claim international protection if instrumentalisation of migration is taking place, if it “constitutes a serious and real threat to security”, and if the restriction of asylum rights is necessary to counter the threat.

The legislation also specifies that the government’s actions must “aim to limit the rights of foreigners intending to apply for international protection to the least possible extent”, reports news and analysis website OKO.press.

Moreover, certain categories of people must be allowed to claim asylum even if the measures are in place, including minors, pregnant women, people who require special healthcare, people deemed at “real risk of harm” if returned over the border, and citizens of the country that is carrying out the instrumentalisation.

An amendment accepted today by parliament before the bill was passed allows an entire group that includes minors – such as a family – to submit an asylum claim. Previously, only the minors would have been allowed to.

The interior ministry’s regulation implementing the suspension of asylum rights must define the area in which it will apply and how long it will apply for (up to 60 days, after which it can only be renewed with the approval of the Sejm).

Tusk has argued that the measures are necessary because existing asylum rules were not designed to accommodate the deliberate instrumentalisation of migration by hostile states.

However, human rights groups have declared the measures to violate not only international law but Poland’s own constitution. They also say it will cause real harm to vulnerable asylum seekers, who will face being pushed back over the border into Belarus.

Well over 100 people are believed to have died around the borders between Belarus and EU member states since the beginning of the crisis in 2021.

Poland’s parliament has approved a bill allowing the government to suspend the right to claim asylum for people who cross the border irregularly as part of the “instrumentalisation of migration” by a foreign state.

The measure has been criticised as a violation of European and international law by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. But it received overwhelming support from Polish MPs in both the ruling coalition and the opposition.

The 386 votes in favour in the 460-seat Sejm, the more powerful lower house of parliament, included all or the vast majority of MPs from the centrist Civic Coalition (KO), centre-right Polish People’s Party (PSL) and centrist Poland 2050 (Polska 2050), which are part of the ruling coalition.

They were joined by all or most MPs from the two main right-wing opposition parties: the national-conservative Law and Justice (PiS) and the far-right Confederation (Konfederacja).

Only 38 MPs voted against it, mainly from The Left (Lewica), which is part of the ruling coalition, and Together (Razem), a small left-wing party.

The bill now passes to the upper-house Senate, which can delay but not block legislation, then on to President Duda, a PiS ally, who can sign it into law, veto it, or pass it to the constitutional court.

Poland received a record number of asylum claims last year amid a renewed crisis at the Belarus border, where since 2021 tens of thousands of migrants and asylum seekers – mainly from the Middle East, Asia and Africa – have been trying to cross with the help and encouragement of the Belarusian authorities.

In response, Prime Minister Donald Tusk proposed in September a tough new migration strategy, including allowing the temporary and partial suspension of the right to claim asylum. Those measures were subsequently approved by his government in December.

The bill approved by the Sejm this evening would enact parts of Tusk’s strategy by amending the asylum law to introduce a new term into Poland’s legal lexicon: “instrumentalisation of migration.”

That is a phrase regularly used by Polish and other European authorities to describe the deliberate manner in which Belarus and Russia have used migrants and asylum seekers in an attempt to destabilise EU countries.

Under the Polish bill, the interior ministry would be empowered to temporarily restrict the right to claim international protection if instrumentalisation of migration is taking place, if it “constitutes a serious and real threat to security”, and if the restriction of asylum rights is necessary to counter the threat.

The legislation also specifies that the government’s actions must “aim to limit the rights of foreigners intending to apply for international protection to the least possible extent”, reports news and analysis website OKO.press.

Moreover, certain categories of people must be allowed to claim asylum even if the measures are in place, including minors, pregnant women, people who require special healthcare, people deemed at “real risk of harm” if returned over the border, and citizens of the country that is carrying out the instrumentalisation.

An amendment accepted today by parliament before the bill was passed allows an entire group that includes minors – such as a family – to submit an asylum claim. Previously, only the minors would have been allowed to.

The interior ministry’s regulation implementing the suspension of asylum rights must define the area in which it will apply and how long it will apply for (up to 60 days, after which it can only be renewed with the approval of the Sejm).

Tusk has argued that the measures are necessary because existing asylum rules were not designed to accommodate the deliberate instrumentalisation of migration by hostile states.

However, human rights groups have declared the measures to violate not only international law but Poland’s own constitution. They also say it will cause real harm to vulnerable asylum seekers, who will face being pushed back over the border into Belarus.

Well over 100 people are believed to have died around the borders between Belarus and EU member states since the beginning of the crisis in 2021.

A Ukrainian man has been sentenced to eight years in prison by a Polish court for preparing to carry out acts of sabotage on behalf of Russia.

The 51-year-old, who can only be identified as Serhiy S. under Polish privacy law, was detained by Poland’s Internal Security Agency (ABW) in January 2024 on suspicion of working for the Russian security services.

He was accused of planning arson attacks on various buildings in Wrocław, Poland’s third-largest city, including a paint factory in close proximity to a fuel warehouse belonging to state oil giant Orlen.

In a ruling today – which can still be appealed – Serhiy S. was convicted of participating in an international organised criminal group and planning sabotage activities in Poland on behalf of foreign intelligence services.

Among the evidence against him were camera recordings and mobile phone records that showed him in close proximity to the paint plant, reports the Polish Press Agency (PAP).

The suspect himself – who fled Ukraine after Russia’s invasion and had previously stayed in Germany – had acknowledged accepting an order received online to set fire to the building. But he claimed he had no intention to actually do it, instead aiming to defraud money from the person offering it.

The judge, Marcin Myczkowski, rejected Serhiy S.’s not-guilty plea, however. In handing down the sentence, Myczkowski noted that, since the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Poland and other European countries have faced a wave of actions aimed at destabilising them, including acts of sabotage.

“The idea was to convince the public that it was not worth supporting Ukraine, to create the impression that the authorities of Western countries were not coping,” said Myczkowski, quoted by the Gazeta Wyborcza daily.

Serhiy S. was among those who had been “instructed and directed” to carry out such actions, said the judge. He expressed hope that the eight-year prison sentence would “signal to the accused and people like him that it is not worth it and that the Polish state is acting”.

Both Myczkowski and one of the prosecutors in the case, Marcin Kucharski, noted that Serhiy S. is an example of a new kind of agent used by foreign services.

“Instead of expensive, highly qualified agents trained for a long time, we are dealing with people who are ready to do anything for four thousand dollars,” said Kucharski, quoted by PAP.

Since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Poland has arrested a number of people accused of spying for or carrying out sabotage on behalf of Russia and Belarus. It has also accused Moscow and Minsk of orchestrating a migration crisis on Poland’s border and of carrying out cyberattacks.

In December 2023, 14 members of a Russian spy network who planned to derail a Ukraine aid train were sentenced in Poland to between one and six years in prison.

Poland has also suggested that it is likely Russia was behind a wave of sabotage cases last year, including a fire that destroyed Warsaw’s largest shopping centre. In October, four people were detained in Poland on suspicion of involvement in sending hidden incendiaries via parcel delivery services.

Last week, two Russian men were sentenced to five and a half years in prison for place restriction posters for Russia’s mercenary Wagner Group in Polish cities.

A Ukrainian man has been sentenced to eight years in prison by a Polish court for preparing to carry out acts of sabotage on behalf of Russia.

The 51-year-old, who can only be identified as Serhiy S. under Polish privacy law, was detained by Poland’s Internal Security Agency (ABW) in January 2024 on suspicion of working for the Russian security services.

He was accused of planning arson attacks on various buildings in Wrocław, Poland’s third-largest city, including a paint factory in close proximity to a fuel warehouse belonging to state oil giant Orlen.

In a ruling today – which can still be appealed – Serhiy S. was convicted of participating in an international organised criminal group and planning sabotage activities in Poland on behalf of foreign intelligence services.

Among the evidence against him were camera recordings and mobile phone records that showed him in close proximity to the paint plant, reports the Polish Press Agency (PAP).

The suspect himself – who fled Ukraine after Russia’s invasion and had previously stayed in Germany – had acknowledged accepting an order received online to set fire to the building. But he claimed he had no intention to actually do it, instead aiming to defraud money from the person offering it.

The judge, Marcin Myczkowski, rejected Serhiy S.’s not-guilty plea, however. In handing down the sentence, Myczkowski noted that, since the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Poland and other European countries have faced a wave of actions aimed at destabilising them, including acts of sabotage.

“The idea was to convince the public that it was not worth supporting Ukraine, to create the impression that the authorities of Western countries were not coping,” said Myczkowski, quoted by the Gazeta Wyborcza daily.

Serhiy S. was among those who had been “instructed and directed” to carry out such actions, said the judge. He expressed hope that the eight-year prison sentence would “signal to the accused and people like him that it is not worth it and that the Polish state is acting”.

Both Myczkowski and one of the prosecutors in the case, Marcin Kucharski, noted that Serhiy S. is an example of a new kind of agent used by foreign services.

“Instead of expensive, highly qualified agents trained for a long time, we are dealing with people who are ready to do anything for four thousand dollars,” said Kucharski, quoted by PAP.

Since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Poland has arrested a number of people accused of spying for or carrying out sabotage on behalf of Russia and Belarus. It has also accused Moscow and Minsk of orchestrating a migration crisis on Poland’s border and of carrying out cyberattacks.

In December 2023, 14 members of a Russian spy network who planned to derail a Ukraine aid train were sentenced in Poland to between one and six years in prison.

Poland has also suggested that it is likely Russia was behind a wave of sabotage cases last year, including a fire that destroyed Warsaw’s largest shopping centre. In October, four people were detained in Poland on suspicion of involvement in sending hidden incendiaries via parcel delivery services.

Last week, two Russian men were sentenced to five and a half years in prison for place restriction posters for Russia’s mercenary Wagner Group in Polish cities.

A Ukrainian man has been sentenced to eight years in prison by a Polish court for preparing to carry out acts of sabotage on behalf of Russia.

The 51-year-old, who can only be identified as Serhiy S. under Polish privacy law, was detained by Poland’s Internal Security Agency (ABW) in January 2024 on suspicion of working for the Russian security services.

He was accused of planning arson attacks on various buildings in Wrocław, Poland’s third-largest city, including a paint factory in close proximity to a fuel warehouse belonging to state oil giant Orlen.

In a ruling today – which can still be appealed – Serhiy S. was convicted of participating in an international organised criminal group and planning sabotage activities in Poland on behalf of foreign intelligence services.

Among the evidence against him were camera recordings and mobile phone records that showed him in close proximity to the paint plant, reports the Polish Press Agency (PAP).

The suspect himself – who fled Ukraine after Russia’s invasion and had previously stayed in Germany – had acknowledged accepting an order received online to set fire to the building. But he claimed he had no intention to actually do it, instead aiming to defraud money from the person offering it.

The judge, Marcin Myczkowski, rejected Serhiy S.’s not-guilty plea, however. In handing down the sentence, Myczkowski noted that, since the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Poland and other European countries have faced a wave of actions aimed at destabilising them, including acts of sabotage.

“The idea was to convince the public that it was not worth supporting Ukraine, to create the impression that the authorities of Western countries were not coping,” said Myczkowski, quoted by the Gazeta Wyborcza daily.

Serhiy S. was among those who had been “instructed and directed” to carry out such actions, said the judge. He expressed hope that the eight-year prison sentence would “signal to the accused and people like him that it is not worth it and that the Polish state is acting”.

Both Myczkowski and one of the prosecutors in the case, Marcin Kucharski, noted that Serhiy S. is an example of a new kind of agent used by foreign services.

“Instead of expensive, highly qualified agents trained for a long time, we are dealing with people who are ready to do anything for four thousand dollars,” said Kucharski, quoted by PAP.

Since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Poland has arrested a number of people accused of spying for or carrying out sabotage on behalf of Russia and Belarus. It has also accused Moscow and Minsk of orchestrating a migration crisis on Poland’s border and of carrying out cyberattacks.

In December 2023, 14 members of a Russian spy network who planned to derail a Ukraine aid train were sentenced in Poland to between one and six years in prison.

Poland has also suggested that it is likely Russia was behind a wave of sabotage cases last year, including a fire that destroyed Warsaw’s largest shopping centre. In October, four people were detained in Poland on suspicion of involvement in sending hidden incendiaries via parcel delivery services.

Last week, two Russian men were sentenced to five and a half years in prison for place restriction posters for Russia’s mercenary Wagner Group in Polish cities.

Przywódca przyszłości będzie dbał o zrównoważony rozwój. To pewne. Obserwujemy powstawanie nowych ścieżek edukacyjnych, których przewodnim tematem jest rozwój wiedzy i edukacji w obszarze zrównoważonego rozwoju. Pojawienie się nowych kierunków studiów w skali globalnej zazwyczaj świadczy o kilku ważnych zjawiskach, w tym w szczególności o zmieniających się potrzebach rynku pracy, postępie technologicznym i naukowym, ewolucji społecznej i kulturowej. Oznacza to również rosnące zapotrzebowanie na specjalistów w tej dziedzinie. Firmy, organizacje i rządy potrzebują ekspertów, którzy pomogą im wdrażać strategie zrównoważonego rozwoju. Jak zatem poradzić sobie w tym gąszczu informacji, jeśli przywódca teraźniejszości już dzisiaj chce działać na rzecz zrównoważonego rozwoju? Zachęcamy do działania krok po kroku, zaczynając od podstaw.

Przeprowadzimy cię przez kilka konkretnych etapów, które pomogą działać w tym obszarze efektywnie i spójnie z pozostałymi działaniami realizowanymi w ramach wizji, misji i strategii spółki. Wprowadzenie zasad ESG (Environmental, Social, Governance) do modelu biznesowego staje się coraz bardziej istotne dla firm, które chcą działać odpowiedzialnie i w sposób zrównoważony. Skuteczne mierzenie i monitorowanie podwójnej istotności są kluczowymi elementami tego procesu. Zacznijmy od podstaw. W tym artykule omówimy, na co zwrócić uwagę podczas analizy modelu biznesowego firmy, która przygotowuje się na wdrożenie zasad ESG.

Czy twój model biznesowy jest zrównoważony?

Model biznesowy to struktura, która opisuje sposób, w jaki firma tworzy, dostarcza i przechwytuje wartość. W pierwszym kroku przygotowań do wdrożenia ESG w twojej firmie musisz zrewidować model biznesowy, w którym działasz. Jeśli od dłuższego czasu funkcjonujesz w ramach dużej organizacji, niektóre elementy modelu biznesowego mogą być dla ciebie oczywiste, inne mogą nie być w zasięgu twoich codziennych operacji i musisz je zrozumieć na nowo. To, co ważne, to całościowy przegląd modelu biznesowego i jego dokładne zrozumienie. Jeśli działasz w dynamicznie zmieniającym się środowisku, które wymaga ciągłej zmiany modelu działania, musisz uwzględnić stan permanentnej zmiany w procesie wdrażania ESG w swojej organizacji. Dla przypomnienia, kluczowe elementy modelu biznesowego obejmują:

Propozycję wartości: Co firma oferuje swoim klientom? Segmenty klientów: Kto jest docelowym klientem firmy? Kanały dystrybucji: Jak firma dociera do swoich klientów? Relacje z klientami: Jak firma buduje i utrzymuje relacje z klientami? Struktura kosztów: Jakie są główne koszty operacyjne firmy? Strumienie przychodów: Jak firma generuje przychody? Niezależnie od tego, którym obszarem zajmujesz się na co dzień, jeśli chcesz być skutecznym liderem dbającym o zrównoważony rozwój, powinieneś znać zasady działania w całym modelu funkcjonującym w twojej organizacji. Dlaczego? Ponieważ jest to pierwsza canva, na którą nakładamy pytania, które stawia przed nami regulator.

Jak działalność firmy wpływa na środowisko naturalne?

W szerszym ujęciu – jak propozycja wartości, którą firma oferuje klientom, oraz wszystko, co jest potrzebne do jej wytworzenia, wpływa na środowisko? Czy ten wpływ jest świadomie i jasno określony, mierzony i aktywnie zarządzany przez organizację? Działalność każdej firmy ma nieunikniony wpływ na środowisko naturalne. Obejmuje on zużycie zasobów naturalnych, emisję zanieczyszczeń, generowanie odpadów oraz oddziaływanie na ekosystemy. Jest to propozycja wartości oferowana klientom oraz wszystkie procesy związane z jej wytworzeniem, które również mają znaczący wpływ na środowisko.

Propozycja wartości firmy to unikalna kombinacja produktów i usług, które przedsiębiorstwo oferuje swoim klientom. Aby zrozumieć, jak propozycja wartości wpływa na środowisko, należy przeanalizować cały cykl życia produktu lub usługi, którą realizujesz – od pozyskania surowców, przez procesy produkcyjne, aż po dystrybucję i utylizację. Dlatego tak ważna jest analiza segmentów klientów i kanałów dystrybucji. Struktura kosztów i przychodów spółek jest kluczowym elementem w budowaniu zrównoważonych modeli biznesowych. Optymalizacja kosztów operacyjnych, w tym efektywność energetyczna, inwestycje w technologie oszczędzające energię mogą początkowo zwiększyć koszty, ale w dłuższej perspektywie prowadzą do znacznych oszczędności. Ważna jest również analiza, czy w twoim modelu biznesowym jest miejsce na zrównoważone źródła przychodów. Wprowadzenie na rynek produktów przyjaznych środowisku może przyciągnąć świadomych ekologicznie konsumentów, co może zwiększyć przychody. Inwestycje w zrównoważone technologie i procesy mogą prowadzić do długoterminowych oszczędności, np. poprzez zmniejszenie zużycia surowców czy energii. Firmy, które inwestują w zrównoważony rozwój, mogą budować pozytywną reputację, co może przyciągać klientów i inwestorów, zwiększając tym samym przychody.

Świadome i aktywne zarządzanie wpływem działalności firmy na środowisko jest kluczowe dla osiągnięcia zrównoważonego rozwoju. Firmy muszą dokładnie analizować swoje propozycje wartości i procesy produkcyjne, by minimalizować negatywne skutki dla środowiska. Dzięki odpowiednim narzędziom i strategiom organizacje mogą nie tylko spełniać wymagania regulacyjne, ale także budować pozytywny wizerunek i tworzyć wartość dla swoich interesariuszy.

Co jest podwójnie istotne w twoim modelu biznesowym?

Podwójna istotność to koncepcja, która wymaga oceny kwestii zrównoważonego rozwoju z dwóch perspektyw: istotności oddziaływania (jak działalność firmy wpływa na środowisko i społeczeństwo) oraz istotności finansowej (jak kwestie środowiskowe i społeczne wpływają na wyniki finansowe firmy).

Aby skutecznie określić, a następnie mierzyć i monitorować podwójną istotność, powinieneś na poziomie strategii spółki określić, które kwestie ESG są najważniejsze dla firmy i jej interesariuszy.

W kolejnym kroku warto zebrać dane wewnętrzne i zewnętrzne, takie jak sprawozdania finansowe, wyniki audytów środowiskowych oraz opinie interesariuszy, aby na ich podstawie ocenić istotność w kontekście wpływu firmy na otoczenie.

Z naszego doświadczenia w zakresie budowania i reorganizacji modeli biznesowych w kierunku zrównoważonego rozwoju zachęcamy do skorzystania z trzech matryc, które pomogą gromadzić wiedzę w tym zakresie w organizacji i jednocześnie pomogą ci skutecznie i w sposób zorganizowany rozwijać modele biznesowe:

• Business Model Canvas: narzędzie do projektowania i analizy modelu biznesowego;
• Global Reporting Initiative (GRI): standardy raportowania zrównoważonego rozwoju;
• European Sustainability Reporting Standards (ESRS): wytyczne dotyczące sprawozdawczości ESG w Unii Europejskiej.

Analiza modelu biznesowego firmy przygotowującej się na wdrożenie zasad ESG jest kluczowym krokiem w kierunku zrównoważonego rozwoju. Skuteczne mierzenie i monitorowanie podwójnej istotności pozwalają firmom lepiej zrozumieć ich wpływ na środowisko i społeczeństwo oraz zarządzać ryzykami i szansami związanymi z ESG. Dzięki temu organizacje mogą działać bardziej odpowiedzialnie i budować trwałą wartość dla swoich interesariuszy.

No nie wiem. Nawet ciekawie się czyta. Zresztą krytyka dla PiSu i KO mile widziana.

Jaka jest zatem przyszłość Konfederacji po wyrzuceniu Grzegorza Brauna?

Nie mam szklanej kuli, aby to przewidzieć. Przed Konfederacją szanse i zagrożenia. Być może Grzegorz Braun zabierze ze sobą część najbardziej radykalnych zwolenników.

Szansą jest to, że być może dzięki temu będzie można pozyskać nowych zwolenników. Konfederacja musi zadbać o to, aby zarazem pozyskać nowych wyborców, jak i pozostać przy swoich pryncypiach i wyrazistości, żeby nie zawieść dotychczasowego elektoratu.

Jakże słodkie. On naprawdę myśli że tak szybko zgarną więcej elektoratu.

Chyba potrzebują przypomnienia z 2023 roku (i jestem pewien że go dostaną w tych wyborach).

Spodziewam się, że nie tylko Grzegorz Braun, ale i Krzysztof Stanowski czy Artur Bartoszewicz mogą wpłynąć na te wyniki.

Pożegnajcie się z dwucyfrowym wynikiem Mentzena. “Antysystemowi” wyborcy odchodzą.

Poczekać na załamanie PiS-u albo Platformy.

Na to bym liczył (głównie PiSu - patrzcie ile lat ma Jarek i teraz patrzcie jak się frakcje partii kłócą i nienawidzą wzajemnie), ale Konfederacja jest zbyt radykalna by przyjąć większość elektoratu kogokolwiek.

Pod tym względem Konfederacja się wyróżnia. Ma trzeci elektorat, zauważaliśmy to już w 2023 r.

A więc doprawdy zapomnieli. Albo myślą że to my mamy krótką pamięć.

Jasne. Już komentarz nadchodzi.

To be completely fair though, Zandberg and much of Razem’s present day management does have a part with Młodzi Socjaliści, an actuslly socialist youth group, and even as recently as 2023 Zandberg admitted that they’re market socialists (whether that actually counts as socialist or not is beside the point and even then that is still substantially closer to workers owning the means of production than the Third Way variant of social democracy that Nowa Lewica, the left-wing party in our current government, currently supports).

That being said, “leftist” is a somewhat derogatory term. Had this article’s title been written with the identical language in Polish, it might’ve used “lewak” which is fully derogatory towards people with left-wing beliefs (or if you’re far-right also towards liberals).

Never even thought of that somehow.

Anyway, it’s kinda sad that “hard-left” social democracy is the furthest left we have in parliament while the far-right already has ultranationalists, monarchists, anti-vaxxers, laissez-fairists and Putin panderers all in one, including in their parliamentary club of 16 people (well now 15 because their biggest nutcase Braun got kicked - not because of his death threats, vandalism or blatant anti-semitism but because of sabotage against Mentzen, their official presidential candidate).